Dr. Rushdi
Rashed
Dr. Rushdi
Rashed (b. 1936), philosopher and historian of science, an academic critic of
the history of Arab science, made many important contributions to the history
of mathematics and science.
His
life
Rushdi Hefni Rashed was born in 1936 in Cairo, Egypt, where he
studied at Cairo University, earning
a BA in Philosophy at the age of twenty. He then moved to France, where he
completed a diploma in mathematics
from the University of Paris and earned a PhD in the History and Philosophy of
Mathematics from the same
university. Rushdi Rashed subsequently held several positions at the French
National Center for Scientific
Research in 1965, including Director of Research in Epistemology and History of
Science at Denis Diderot
University in Paris until 2001, and Director of the Center for Philosophy,
Science, and Medieval Arabic Philosophy until
2001 .
In 1984, Rushdi Rashed
founded the Epistemology and History of Science Research Group and the
Scientific Institutes, and has since 1993 directed the Research Group on
Epistemology and History of Science.
He has published numerous articles, research papers ,
and books in various journals on the contributions of Islamic sciences
and Arab scholars to the development and
advancement of science. He is also editor-in-chief of the Journal of Arabic
Science and Philosophy at Cambridge University Press and
currently serves as Honorary Director of the Department of Advanced Research at
the French National Center for
Scientific Research (CNRS).
Rushdi
Rashed has authored more than 30 books, including his supervision of the Encyclopedia of the History of Arabic Science,
first published in London and New York in 1996. He
edited the sections within his area of expertise: arithmetic, algebra, and geometric optics. Among his most famous works are:
Introduction to the History of Science (Paris, 1971), Diophantus's Algebra
(Cairo, 1975), Omar Al-Khayyam's Algebraic Works - in collaboration with Ahmad
Jabbar (Aleppo, 1981), Science
in the Era of the French Revolution (Paris, 1984), Al-Kindi's Philosophical and
Scientific Works (Leiden, 1998 ), Al-Sijzi's Mathematical Works (Paris, 2004), and Jules Viamine's Philosophy of Mathematics and
Theory of Knowledge (Paris, 2005). Rushdi Rashed lectures on the history of
science in many capitals around
the world.
His
political positions
Dr. Rushdi Rashed takes a strict critical
stance towards both Nasserist thought and the thought of "political
Islam." He criticizes the thought that emerged during the Nasserist era
starting in 1952 for the fundamental reason of suppressing freedoms. He states
that he has decided not to return to this reason. He also believes that this
was the fundamental reason for the 1967 disaster. He expresses this in an
interview with Al-Masry Al-Youm newspaper (2009) as follows:
This
was the general climate in Egypt: intellectual and political liberalism, the
features of which ended with the new regime that came into power in July 1952,
and which I predicted from the time of its arrival would make matters worse,
even though I don't question the patriotism of any of its figures. But
patriotism is one thing, and politics is another.
- In 1956, you traveled to
the Sorbonne in France to complete your postgraduate studies in the philosophy
of science. Why didn't you return?
At
the time, I hadn't thought of settling far from Egypt, but God granted me the
gift of respect for reason and appreciation for responsibility and honesty in
speech. In 1959, during a meeting we had at the Egyptian embassy, the
discussion was about unity between Egypt and Syria. I took the floor and
emphasized that unity was not colonialism, and that the relationship between
Egypt and Syria was destined to disappear, even if it continued for some time.
Of
course, Nasser's regime was angry, especially since some of us on scholarship
were writing reports for the security services in Cairo, and by the way, some
of us now hold high positions in the government. So, the decision was made to
cancel my scholarship, and they tried to take my passport, but I refused and
completed my studies at my own expense. I traveled to Germany and worked as a
teaching assistant at Humboldt University in Berlin for about a year and a
half, but I couldn't stand the climate of life there, so I returned to France
and finished my doctoral dissertation.
In
1965, Cairo organized a conference for envoys to France. We were invited to
come to Egypt and meet with President Abdel Nasser, who assured us of the
reassurance that we would be allowed to return to France if we wished. Abdel
Nasser spoke, emphasizing Egypt's political and military strength, among other
things. At that time, I felt that the thought of the citizen, whether educated
or uneducated, was nonexistent.
So
my decision was to return to France, where I was given the choice between
working at the French National Research Center, or working at the Sorbonne. At
the time, I was still thinking about returning to Egypt, so I chose to work at
the research center, so that my return would be easier. But with the setback of
June 5, 1967, my decision was to stay there. My certainty in this matter
increased after the disaster of the open door, which destroyed everything. So
it was a decision of no return. (Interview with Al-Masry Al-Youm, May 10, 2009)
Dr. Rashed also
criticizes the "political Islam" project and its slogan "Islam
is the solution," considering it a utopian project and considering that
this slogan does not express a political content or program. This is evident in
his interview with Al-Ahram Al-Arabi magazine (2008) as follows:
- At
this critical moment, was the Islamic project an obstacle to this renaissance
or was it part of it?
First
of all, there is no Islamic project. There are several Islamic projects,
including the Salafi Islamic project, the Muslim Brotherhood project, and a
kind of traditional Egyptian liberalism, which is cultured and Muslim.
Political Islam is an imaginary project, and I know that this is a harsh word,
so may those who read it forgive me. It is a project without a project. When
you say that Islam is the solution, you have not said anything. What is the
solution? A solution to the economic... educational... social problem, a
solution to the problem of the balance of power in the world, a solution to the
problem of Israel, a solution to the problem of the farce and crime occurring
in Iraq? Any of these solutions, and what are the possibilities and means?
These are hollow expressions, and there is no program behind them in the true
sense of the word, nor an analysis of society, nor of the period and era, nor
of the balance of power. I am not saying to follow appeasement or what others
say at all, but this is my popular form in talking about Islam. There is
sloganeering and no project. (Al-Ahram Al-Arabi, February 9, 2008)
Medals
and certificates of honor
Dr. Rushdi Rashed received
the King Faisal International Prize for Islamic Studies in 2007. He has also
received numerous awards in the field of the history and philosophy of science,
including the French
President's Medal for Scientific Production in 1989, the International Academy
of the History of Science Medal ( Alexandre
Koyré Medal) for his work in 1990, the Medal of the Research Centre for Islamic
History of the Organization of the
Islamic Conference, the Best Book Award in Islamic Research from the President
of the Republic of Iran for his
work on the history of Arab science in 1998, the Prize and Medal of the Kuwait Foundation for the Advancement of Sciences,
awarded by the Emir of Kuwait for his work on the history of engineering in 1991 ,
the Golden Avicenna Prize from Federico Mayor, Director-General of
UNESCO, "for his contribution
to promoting Islamic culture as part of the world cultural heritage and to fostering dialogue between different
cultures" in 1999, and the CNRS Prize in 2001 .
His
philosophy
The core of Dr. Rushdi Rashed's
philosophical thought is the philosophy of history and the philosophy of
science, and the philosophical relationship between them. The link between
these two aspects is logic and mathematics. History is a subject of philosophy
and, at the same time, a subject of the social sciences. As a philosophy, it is
subject to rationalism and philosophical theorizing, and, as such, is linked to
our understanding of modern thought and the human future. As a science, it is
subject to the philosophy of science and the application of modern scientific
methodologies. The basic methodological tool in modern philosophy is logic,
while the basic methodological tool in modern science is mathematics.
Therefore, history, both in its philosophical and scientific capacities, must
be subject to logic and mathematics.
Dr. Rashed's understanding and analysis of
history is based on the concept of "tradition." Historical developments, from both philosophical and
scientific perspectives, depend on the emergence of new philosophical and
scientific traditions that mark the emergence and end of these developments.
Therefore, his historical analysis, from both philosophical and scientific
perspectives, is based not on a formal comparison of different historical
models, but rather on a detailed societal analysis of the conditions
accompanying the emergence of different historical traditions. Therefore, it
can be said that Dr. Rashed's historical analysis belongs primarily to the
field of the sociology of knowledge, which links social and historical facts
and conditions with the emergence and development of scientific knowledge.
Dr. Rashed applied and developed this
approach to the emergence and development of ancient Arab/Islamic science, and
to demonstrate its evolutionary relationship with preceding Greek science and
subsequent modern Western science. Through this approach, he was able to
uncover the unique nature of Arab/Islamic science and the Arab/Islamic
societies that produced it, and how it distinguished itself from previous and
subsequent sciences. He was also able to demonstrate a degree of continuity and
development in scientific thought in general, and in the relationship between
ancient Arab/Islamic scientific thought and modern scientific thought in
particular. This has changed the contemporary scientific community's view of
the history of science and the societal relationships that led to the emergence
of science, and has also led to ancient Arab/Islamic science occupying a
fundamental place within it.
The
philosophical project
On this basis, Dr. Rashed's philosophical
project consists of two parts: a general project that expresses the general
level of this thought, and a specific project that expresses its historical
application. The general project is the formulation of theoretical concepts for
how to apply mathematics to the social sciences in general and history in
particular. The specific project is the application of these concepts to the
history of ancient Arab/Islamic science.
In a discussion that appeared in the
introduction to a book entitled “From Zeno of Elea to Poincaré: A Collection of
Studies Dedicated to Rushdi Rashed,” 2004, Dr. Rashed explains his conceptions
of his general project as follows:
When I came to Paris, there were two
professors at the Sorbonne teaching logic and the philosophy of science: René
Poirier and Georges Canguilhem. I registered a research topic with René Poirier. I
wanted to work on a topic that was initially called "the objectivity of
sociological laws," but which later became the
" mathematization of informal doctrines." Two years
later, a friend persuaded me to go to the "Institut de l'Histoire de la
Science." This was in 1959, and there I began my work with Georges
Canguilhem until my departure for Germany. (Discussion with Rushdi Rashed, 2004, VII).
He explains the circumstances accompanying
the emergence of his general project and then the private side of it as well,
I will go back somewhat earlier, to my
formative years as a young man. I go back to this time to say that my first
choice for objectivity in the social sciences resulted from a combination of my
preoccupation with logic, which was becoming fundamental for me, and the
project of a young Egyptian man living in an environment where he could speak
of all systems, philosophical or social, and who refused to be Marxist. This
topic would quickly transform, under the influence of mathematics, into the
"mathematics of informal systems." This was also when I began working
on probability theory with my friend Salah Ahmed, who specialized in
probability, which I took seriously in my dissertation work. The fundamental
question, as the title suggests: according to what criteria can we apply
mathematics to a field like this? What are the conditions and probabilities for
applying mathematics to a field that lacks a mature theory, that is, precise,
well-defined concepts, whether in their grammatical structure or in their
semantic formulation? This was the question, for me. I wanted to deal with a
field that lacked theory: the "social sciences." The social sciences
were the contemporary field that allowed this question to be addressed and
answered. I was truly convinced that in order to work in epistemology, here and
now, and not to repeat work that had already been done, such a question had to
be asked. Apart from my work experience in sociology, social psychology, and
economics, I also took a diploma in economics as a means of putting the
question in its generality from a philosophical point of view. I worked on
almost all the mathematical applications of psychology, and also on factorial
analysis , which was a
difficult task. At this time, I wrote my book on Condorcet, which represented
the historical side of the work, while my studies on the orientation of the
Bernoullian man represented the epistemological side. In this context, the most
important question is the following: Are there similar historical situations?
In other words, it is not enough to undertake this work from a comparative
perspective: it is not enough to find an example here, an example there, and
analyze them, but we must reconstruct the entire tradition in the field, which
means the entire tradition of applying mathematics to social reality; This
explains why I went back to the eighteenth century and to others like
Condorcet. This was at the same time a work on history and on calculus, and I
completed a similar kind of work from Bernoulli. I wrote about 600 pages on
this subject, which were never published... After that, I decided to make complementary
research on Ibn al-Haytham. My first project in the complementary
research was based on the idea of totality; the second on Ernst Cassirer. But instead of doing
research in the history of philosophy, I preferred to propose to Conguillam complementary
research on Ibn al-Haytham. He immediately accepted the topic under the title:
"Ibn al-Haytham's Optics, Problems of the Division between History and
Prehistory of Science." Thus, the doctoral thesis has a double theme:
"The Training of Non-Formal Systems and Ibn al-Haytham's Optics), (discussion with Rushdi
Rashed, 2004, 1-12).
On the other hand, Dr. Rashed, in his
interview with Al-Masry Al-Youm newspaper, reveals the relationship between his
project to verify Arabic texts and political circumstances as follows:
Why did you begin studying the Arab heritage in 1967, which has now
become a primary reference in Europe and the entire world?
- After the catastrophic defeat
against Israel, I was shocked. I don't know if I've recovered from its effects
yet or not. But I realized that the system we have can only generate this
defeat. My decision was to research the Arab scientific and intellectual
heritage that built a civilization over four centuries, to build a new
civilization that we Arabs can rely on in our present, because I was certain
that the setback was a civilizational defeat, not a military one. There was no
funding source. My work was individual and methodical. I verified the books of
Arab mathematicians, translated Arabic manuscripts into French, and explained
them historically, philosophically, and mathematically, and commented on them.
I now had a school with a number of students, most of them French, and two from
the Maghreb. What I did resulted in reviving the heritage of Ibn al-Haytham,
al-Khwarizmi, al-Kindi, and Omar Khayyam, and presented historical facts about
them that were not previously known. (Al-Masry Al-Youm, May 10, 2009)
His
approach
In implementing his philosophical project
in a complex manner, Dr. Rashed relies on a number of methodological
foundations that combine to form his working methodology. In addition to
adopting the logical, mathematical, and historical analytical approach to the
societal and historical issues under investigation, which represents the core
of his philosophical thought, he also relies on the approach of social analysis
to uncover the social structures and conditions that lead to the emergence of
scientific and philosophical traditions. His own project also relies on a
special methodology for analyzing texts and criticizing manuscripts. He also
relies on the evolutionary view of science and on precise, specialized
mathematical analysis of
scientific fields, tracing their historical emergence.
1- Social analysis of
the scientific phenomenon
Dr. Rashed explains his approach to the
necessity of uncovering the facts and societal relationships that lie behind
the emergence of scientific knowledge as follows:
Scientific facts, even though they are
universal, are the product of humans. Humans live in a society made up of
institutions. On the historical level, science is a product of society, but on
the epistemological level, it is universal, and we can do nothing about that.
There are two topics I am trying to defend, this one and the one of decline:
Why does a certain decline occur at a given time, in certain societies? These
are questions that are usually poorly formulated, and which, in order to be
formulated well and to advance in their understanding, require the combination
of a number of abilities. They will require the cooperation of historians of
all disciplines: historians of military facts, historians of demographic facts,
historians of science, and historians of economics. For example, we will need a
detailed study of the history of world trade between the fifteenth and
seventeenth centuries, and it will be necessary to connect all of this. In
order to complete such a program, we will need institutions; it is necessary to
form people, who are now craftsmen. In order to understand the relationship
between science and society, it will be necessary to begin by knowing what
science used to be like, but now we really do not know it. The same applies to
regression. Before undertaking a scientific study of regression, it is
important to first understand what regression is. (Discussion with Rushdi
Rashed, 2004, XXV).
2- The relationship
between philosophy and mathematics
In his approach, Dr. Rushdi links mathematics and philosophy, and
explains the relationship between them as follows:
For a few years you have published more
studies on the relationship between mathematics and philosophy. How did you
find them?
This is a vast field in which I have barely
begun to take my first steps. One usually reads here and there a summary of
some thoughts of philosophers on mathematics or that of mathematicians on their
relation to philosophy. These problems are weak problems. The question should
be put differently, under two common features: What is the living part of
philosophy in mathematics? Is this living part the work of philosophers,
mathematicians, mathematician-philosophers, or philosopher-mathematicians? The
two questions are not independent of each other. Where or what are the places
where mathematics and philosophy really meet? I have asked myself these questions.
With regard to the second question, we find ourselves faced with two
possibilities: either one invokes philosophy to solve, or believe in the
solution to, mathematical problems, or one uses mathematics to solve
philosophical problems. I then tried to find an example of each of these
problems that has been dealt with by mathematicians or philosophers, but which
is in fact usually dealt with by mathematician-philosophers. This began with
the study of asymptote curves and the use of philosophical concepts to reflect on
their mysterious nature. I then studied the metaphysical doctrines of emanation and the use of combinative analysis to think about probabilities under certain conditions. I
made some attempts, no doubt partial, to find out what philosophers'
conceptions of mathematics were—what conceptions, for example, they relied on
in classifying the sciences or constructing their ontologies. These attempts
lead to the belief that the philosophy of this time does not reduce to a theory
of the core, nor to a theory of being, but rather there is a philosophy of
science as it is conceived today, especially a philosophy of mathematics, which
is an essential part of philosophy. (Discussion with Rushdi Rashed, 2004, XXI-XXII)
3- The concept of
universality of science
The concept of universality of science is a
fundamental element of Dr. Rashed's approach. In doing so, he critiques and
refutes Western centralism, which claims that science originated only in the
West, whether ancient Greece or modern Europe. Through this approach, he also
critiques the opposing concept that asserts the fundamental difference of Arab
science as being based on the Islamic religion—that is, the concept of the
Islamic nature of knowledge. Instead, he attributes knowledge to the social
conditions that accompany its production within the framework of a universal,
evolutionary image of science. In his interview with Al-Masry Al-Youm
newspaper, he summarizes this concept as follows:
Science is a human and global heritage, and the West began to take
an interest in the history of Arab science in the 1950s. The largest portion of
Arab heritage concerns science, which relies not on belief but on proof. This
means that anyone can engage with its findings, regardless of their ideology.
What was transmitted to Europe from Arab civilization was science and
philosophy, as was what reached the Arabs from Greek civilization, which they
translated, studied, and expanded upon.
This is the concept of the universality of science. What my
colleagues and I did was motivated by the belief that the Arab part of science
has not received its due share of research and development. This is not the
fault of the Arabs alone, but rather a mistake in which colonialism
contributed, as it taught us many years ago that science is European in origin,
development and destiny. This is something that must end, and this will not
happen through speeches, but rather through scientific work and research.
(Al-Masry Al-Youm, May 10, 2009)
His concept of science is a comprehensive concept that links the
natural, mathematical and social sciences. Therefore, his approach is based on
the connection between these different scientific fields. In his dialogue with
the Kuwaiti Al-Arabi magazine (2007), he says,
This contradiction is useless. History itself is useless unless it
encourages the renewal of thought and
scientific research. Without this, it is useless. There is no contradiction. You cannot research in one field and forget another. For example,
in the year 820, a new science emerged, namely algebra. In
order to understand the emergence of this science, the humanities enter first -
meaning that to understand how algebra
emerged, we must return to linguistics and jurisprudence. When you study the
history of science, you are not
only studying facts, but you are studying a scientific idea, a scientific
philosophy, a scientific content, and
many things at the same time. There is no contradiction between teaching
scientific history and innovation by
catching up with the new science.
(Interview with the Kuwaiti Al-Arabi magazine, April 2007)
4-Mathematical analysis to reveal
scientific traditions
In his historical analysis of the origin
and development of scientific traditions, Dr. Rashed relies on a unique
approach: investigating the evolution of these traditions from within
scientific research itself, tracing their structures and systems to discover
their scientific features. This is evident in the following review of his
treatment of scientific traditions for the training of algebra:
With al-Samawal, the idea that occurred to
me, and this is very important to me, is that of the “mathematization
of algebra”. In other words, at a certain point, one applies
mathematical operators to algebraic expressions, thus defining the concept of a
"polynomial". in order to
guarantee their conditions and examine their consequences. I apologize for
saying this, but no one had ever seen it before. There was a conclusion, which
was also very important, which was to recognize that in the history of algebra
there are two traditions: to understand al-Samawal, it is necessary to
understand al-Karaji, and to understand al-Karaji, it is necessary to
understand Abu Kamil and al-Khwarizmi. There is a tradition that began with
al-Khwarizmi and ended with this development: the mathematization of algebra
and the development of abstract differentiation. What transformations did this
tradition undergo? Where can one determine its end? And so I went quite
spontaneously to Italian algebra, to the German Cossists , and even to
Stifel , who did nothing more than the Arab algebraists. In one
chapter or another, one can discern a certain path; for example, if we take
Al-Karaji's books, they end with a chapter on Diophantine analysis. If we take
Euler's algebra book , we observe the same process. Be careful! I am not
saying Euler is Al-Karaji. I am saying that there is a tradition, or I am
saying that there are others, or there are none, each time a point of
investigation. There is a tradition, that of algebra; there is another
tradition, that of algebraic geometry, and one will examine it in the same way:
when it began, in what manner it continued, and what transformations it
underwent. It seemed to me truly astonishing that someone like Al-Khayyam had
no predecessors or successors. If there is no rationality in history, then one
stops making history and does something else. It was this belief that allowed
me to discover the work of Sharaf al-Din al-Tusi after Al-Khayyam. (Discussion
with Rushdi Rashed, 2004, 15-16)
5-Historical analysis to reveal scientific
traditions
On the other hand, his approach relies on
historical analysis to reveal the starting and ending points of scientific
traditions, and he explains this as follows:
When one examines a work to determine its
novelty, since the tradition underlying it spans a long period of time, the
question arises of when this tradition ceased. Furthermore, since there is a
strong similarity between the work of mathematics in the eleventh, twelfth, and
thirteenth centuries and the work of certain mathematics in the eighteenth century,
one immediately raises the question: Are the results obtained in the
seventeenth century a natural continuation of work from the eleventh and
twelfth centuries? These two questions are related to each other. To clarify,
if there is something new, where exactly should it be placed? For example, to
make the point clearer, if I say that what was new in Fermat's number theory
was that he transformed it into an algebraic theory, this does not explain why
Fermat arrived at new results. Why? Because this algebraic transformation had
already been done before Fermat. Thus, the question is to know what exactly was
new in Fermat and what enabled him to go so far. In any case, that something
exists: it is the method of infinite descent. For
Descartes, it's the same. We can use Al-Khayyam to explain certain facts, for
example, the fact that Descartes speaks of the indeterminate algebraic curve,
while Al-Khayyam remains in the plane of the conic curve. The question, then,
can be put as follows: But why does this thing come up at this
moment? In this sense, knowledge of Arabic mathematics, in my opinion, is
absolutely essential, both in order to pose these questions—because no one
poses them—and in order to precisely define innovation. When you know what
others have done, this enables you to know whether you are still in this
tradition or whether you have gone beyond it. For example, in the work you
refer to, you insist on distinguishing between mechanical and geometric curves
in Descartes. I won't go into historical details, but there is something
concrete. Thus, setting aside interest in the history of Arabic mathematics per
se, one cannot truly understand seventeenth-century mathematics without knowing
this mathematics. Thus, when we speak of those who knew the seventeenth century
well—here I am thinking particularly, with all friendship, of a person for whom
I have the utmost respect, Jean Itard—I cannot agree with him when he says that
Fermat's innovation lies in his algebraic transformation of number theory,
given what I know of its connection with what came before him. (Discussion with
Rushdi Rashed, 2004, 172-183).
6- Manuscript
verification
In addition
to the mathematical and historical analyses of texts that produced and
developed the scientific tradition, Dr. Rushdi developed a distinctive approach
to textual and manuscript criticism specific to Arabic manuscripts and Arabic
science. Dr. Rashed explains this as follows:
The book of Samuel was written in this way,
and then I saw a report by someone who knew little Arabic, who played the role
of a scholar, didn't tell the facts, etc.; nevertheless, I was amazed by it.
That's how I learned the importance of embellishment in writing. I didn't
really become interested in this work until I discovered Diophantus in the early
1970s. I began to treat Diophantus in the same way, then I realized that if I
continued to work in this way, I would simply ruin my work. Only the second
time did I truly begin to understand the importance of textual history and
manuscript criticism, as was the case with the Diophantus manuscript. With
Diophantus, the importance of all this became clear: if a single word is
changed, especially when it is a translation from Greek, it can have a huge
impact. At this time, although a little late, I became aware of the need to
seriously focus on manuscript editing. I also realized that it was necessary to
find special rules for manuscript editing of Arabic texts, because it was
necessary to control the standards associated with the Greek and Latin
languages. But it is also necessary, taking into account the specific
circumstances of each language and each tradition, to find appropriate rules
for the editing of Arabic texts: the forms of the important tools, the
requirements for writing in Arabic, etc. This work began with Diophantus, and
since then I have never stopped developing and refining these criteria. It was
a choice that imposed itself. I remember every time I held a seminar at the
Institute—I held at least six of them each year—and presented something
extracted from the texts, someone said to me: 'The evidence?' I said the
evidence! Learn Arabic.' I quickly realized that in order to present this
evidence, it was truly necessary to create a complete library of primary texts
if we were to establish this field. Setting aside the question of answering the
question, it was the inner feeling that led to this work, and thus it was
necessary to place myself at the heart of the publishing process. I confess
that I did this without enthusiasm; I considered it my role; but at certain
times in one's history, one does not decide what work one must accomplish; each
period imposes its own requirements. It had to be done, and I did it! And so I
am an editor in spite of myself. (Discussion with Rushdi Rashed, 2004, pp. 14-15).
Rashed believes that the verification of manuscripts has several
conditions, and that he was forced to undertake this work due to the lack of
interest in it, whether in the West or in the East. In his interview with
Al-Ahram Al-Arabi magazine, he says,
I do not investigate manuscripts because I am basically a historian
and philosopher of science, and investigating manuscripts was a coincidence in
my life. I worked in probability calculations and its application to social
matters, and this was the subject of my doctoral thesis. I became interested in
Arabic sciences for several reasons, including the crushing defeat in 1967.
When I told others some details of Arabic sciences, people did not believe me,
and here began the idea of investigating my manuscripts, translating them,
analyzing them, and documenting their history. I found that what is
investigated does not go beyond preparing a book for publication without sound
scientific investigation, nor documenting the science investigated in it, nor
analyzing it. There are no scientific foundations for investigation as is done
in English, Greek, and others. I tried, for my part, to achieve these
foundations in what I investigate. Investigating a scientific manuscript
requires the following: first, forming a good knowledge of the history of
sciences, and a good knowledge of modern and ancient languages, then scientific
formation. The one who investigates mathematics must have at least an academic
study in this science, and in addition, he comes to this end, I became adept at
philosophical thought and various philosophical schools, so as not to stop at
mere investigation, but to go further. For this reason, I established an
institute within the University of Paris VII for this work, and formed a group
to study the history of Arabic sciences and the sciences of the Middle Ages,
Latin and Arabic. This institute and this scientific formation for the
investigator of scientific manuscripts do not exist in any Arab country.
(Al-Ahram Al-Arabi, February 9, 2009)
History
of science
Reviewing and correcting the history of
science represents Dr. Rushdi Rashed's major contribution to contemporary
scientific and philosophical thought. This is not done from the perspective of
defending Arab/Islamic civilization and highlighting its role in the
development of human civilization, but rather from an objective perspective, in
terms of arriving at a more accurate and sounder understanding of the history
of the humanities in general, and the emergence of modern European sciences in
particular. According to Rashed, there was not a single modernity, but rather
multiple modernities, one of which was Arab/Islamic modernity, in which the
sciences spread. Arab science also represented the first appearance of science
in the global sense, as global cultures merged in the crucible of Arab science,
and science acquired its own language: Arabic. Rashed calls this period the era
of classical science, and believes that it extended to approximately the
seventeenth century AD, when the European scientific revolution took place.
Rashed is interested in determining the
value and importance of the field of history of science as a means of
critiquing knowledge. He believes that it first appeared in the eighteenth
century in the Age of Enlightenment. Rashed explains the justifications and
circumstances for the emergence of this scientific field as follows:
The history of science did not see the
light of day before the eighteenth century and at the heart of the
Enlightenment philosophy. Some may be surprised by this response and deny it,
citing as evidence what was written by predecessors in the history of science.
By predecessors, I mean scholars and historians alike, regardless of their
gender or creed. These important reference writings aimed to remind and record,
and did not aim to trace this or that science to show how it came to be in a
given era, and the obstacles it encountered, some of which overcame some, or
which had the greatest impact in changing its course and inventing new
theoretical structures. This endeavor requires a new approach to study and
analysis. The historian must then trace the description of theoretical
structures, the circumstances of their formation, and what they were based on.
This method of history, to my knowledge, did not begin before the eighteenth
century and the Enlightenment philosophy for several reasons: scientific
accumulation on the one hand, and the establishment of academies—i.e., research
centers—on the other. The history of science performs two interconnected, though
different, functions for Enlightenment philosophers: it is the necessary tool
to define modernity in the context of an ideological debate that extended from
at least the mid-seventeenth to the mid-eighteenth century. The second function
of the history of science among Enlightenment philosophers is closely linked to
the essence of their thought, namely, the rejection of this philosophy itself,
namely the concept of the continuous progress or accumulation of truths, and
the continuous exclusion and elimination of acquired errors that have corrupted
human nature and obscured from it the "natural light" with which it
was created. (Arab Sciences between Epistemology and History, Philosophy and
the Age, Issue Two, January 2002, pp. 27-29).
1- His division of the development
of science
In the context of his analysis of the
history of science and his revelation of the role of Arab science, Dr. Rashed
establishes a tripartite division of science, meaning science that has been
able to crystallize as a universal science for humanity. On this basis, he
divides the history of science into classical ancient science, i.e., Arab
science; modern science, which emerged in the era of modernity; and
contemporary industrial science. He says,
If we avoid the "statistical
illusion," we will find that discussing the scientific community cannot
take place without first defining the criteria and factors related to science
and its history. To do this, we must first distinguish between three scientific
paradigms, each relevant to the Arab region throughout its extended history.
These paradigms are: "classical science," "modern science,"
and "industrial science."
Classical scholarship developed between the
ninth century and the first half of the seventeenth century. It originated
primarily in Islamic urban centers and in the Arabic language. Latin
translations of the works of Islamic scholars and similar research by others
constituted an integral part of this classical scholarship...
As for "modern science," it is
European. Its beginnings can be roughly dated to Newton and his successors in
the eighteenth-century AD, or later. By describing this science as
"European," we mean that it originated and developed only in Western
Europe. This modern science is distinguished from classical science by a strong
tendency to unify its branches...
"Industrial science," that is, the science of
advanced industrial societies that produce and consume science at a high level,
is characterized by the industrialization of research. "Industrialization
of research" means not only that this science develops scientific
applications for industry or develops industrial research itself, but also that
scientific research itself is conducted in institutions and laboratories (the
National Center for Scientific Research, the Center for Nuclear Studies, etc.)
that have themselves become subject to the organizational and management
methods of industrial practices. The concept of "scientific society"
has taken on a different meaning than that which we know in modern science.
(The Arab Homeland and the Localization of Science, pp. 10-11)
A-
The wrong image of the Arab Sciences
Dr. Rashed criticizes the traditional view
of modern European thought regarding the history of science, arguing that it
has shifted toward a distinction between races and mentalities based on
languages, and that it has ignored Arabic science as a repository of Greek
science. He believes that European thought has been forced to investigate
Arabic science without granting it legitimacy, and he notes this contradiction
in Western thought. He explains this as follows:
Without a doubt, this German school began
the intensive, comparative study of the history of languages. But this study of
languages soon turned into the study of history by languages, that is, the
distinction between races and mentalities according to language. There are
Aryan languages and Semitic languages, the former suited to a
scientific-philosophical mentality, the latter to a "religious-poetic"
mind. Whatever the case, it was natural and expected that the sense of history
would become more penetrating and clearer, and this is what happened. Interest
in Greek and Latin texts increased, and their study became very active.
However, the study of these texts, especially the Greek and scientific ones,
necessitated an attention to the study of the Arabic texts themselves, since
many Greek originals were destined to survive only in Arabic translations.
However, the study of history through languages was a trap woven for the
history of Arabic science. From a purely theoretical
perspective, the Semites had no right to science and philosophy, according to
this school's view of language and its connection to rationality. Consequently,
Arabic science no longer had a legitimate right to exist. However, from a
practical perspective, this Arabic science increasingly imposed itself on
historians, who increasingly turned to it. This contradiction lasted for more
than two centuries, and its effects are still felt by most historians. What is
strange and surprising is that this contradiction governs secondary works in
the history of science, and was not limited to them; rather, we see it leave
its mark on important works such as Pierre
Duhem 's The System of the Universe. It seems to me that this contradiction was inevitable,
for no matter how dogmatic the historian's outlook at that time, he could not
avoid Arabic science when tackling the facts of the scientific material he
wished to chronicle. Therefore, if this or that historian saw science as a
purely European phenomenon, he could no longer view Arabic science in a
straightforward and correct manner. At best, he saw it as nothing more than a
treasury of Greek translations, and considered it nothing but a modern Greek
science. According to this view, then, there remained only one role for Arabic
science: it was a field of exploration in which the historian could dig in
search of traces of Greek civilization and science. Some went to extremes in
this, and they still do, which led to both the distortion of the results of
Greek science and a misunderstanding of what happened in the seventeenth
century. Many read into Greek science what was not in it, and others settled on
the illusion that seventeenth-century science was a revolution against it from
beginning to end. (Arabic Sciences between Epistemology and History, Philosophy
and the Age, Issue Two, January 2002, pp. 30-31).
2-The Arab Sciences
The cornerstone of Dr. Rashed's
contribution to correcting the history of science is his revelation of numerous
aspects of the nature and value of Arab/Islamic science. His examination and
analysis of Arab science was not limited to specialized mathematical issues,
but extended to research and understanding the societal circumstances that
surrounded it and led to its emergence. He also recognized the
interconnectedness of various sciences, including religious and jurisprudential
sciences, such as the principles of jurisprudence, and their connection to the
rest of the scientific system. His conception of Arab sciences also extended to
understanding their function in society and their connection to the religious
orientations of ancient Islamic society.
His analysis of Arabic science can be
divided into an analysis of the factors that led to the emergence of Arabic
science and the circumstances that accompanied its emergence, then the basic
characteristics that distinguish it, then the relationship between Arabic
science and the history of science and its impact on correcting the history of
science itself.
A-
Factors in the emergence of Arab science
Rashed attributes the factors that led to
the emergence of the Arab natural sciences to three: first, the encouragement
of political authority; second, material and cultural needs; and third, the
emergence of a preceding renaissance in the humanities and social sciences. He
explains this in detail as follows:
Arab-Islamic civilization cannot be
understood from its inception without examining its scientific dimension.
Science was a fundamental dimension of the Islamic city. Indeed, there is no
ancient, medieval, or even seventeenth-century city in which science was as
fundamental a dimension as the Islamic city. Throughout Islamic history,
science was never attacked once, and the few instances in which thinkers were
persecuted were all related to philosophy, i.e., the view of "the eternity
of the world" (Averroes), "the unity of being," or
"incarnation" (Al-Hallaj and Suhrawardi). In fact, the most extreme
jurists—Ibn Hazm and Ibn Taymiyyah—never attacked science.
If we look back in history, we find that,
at the beginning of the Abbasid state, a scientific renaissance was no less
important than that which we witnessed during the seventeenth century in
Europe. To understand this scientific renaissance, we must remember several
factors, the first of which was the encouragement of political and social
authority. This is evident in the accounts of the Abbasid caliphs and the
establishment of houses of wisdom and observatories. This was not limited to
the caliphs; princes, ministers, and wealthy individuals, such as the Banu
al-Munajjim and Ibn al-Mudabbir, followed their example. This is not the place
for detail, but anyone who examines the history of the Arab scientific movement
will not fail to note the role of political authority in providing material
resources and training researchers. This approach continued after the caliphate
was torn apart and competing states emerged, along with which scientific
centers multiplied. This led to the creation of the "scientific city"
with its various competing factions. If we consider Baghdad in the middle of
the third century, we will see one example of this scientific city with its
various factions: the Banu Musa and their supporters, al-Kindi and his allies,
and Abu Ma'shar and his students.
The second factor arose from the material
and cultural needs of the new society. The new, vast state, with its diverse
civilizations and systems, required construction and unification, which
necessitated the use of science. The development of groundwater, the digging of
canals, the establishment of cities, the extension of roads, the organization
of bureaus, the collection of taxes, land surveying, and other measures led to
the unification of mathematical systems and the use of algebra and branches of
geometry. I mean the use of science to solve practical problems, just as
religious duties—fasting, prayer, and the Hajj—led to astronomical research,
which had a significant impact on the advancement of astronomy. The science of
timekeeping and the new social function—that of the timekeeper—led to the
assimilation of the traditional culture of scientific research. The bureaus and
the new social function—that of the scribe—facilitated the advancement of
arithmetic and algebra. We can cite other examples from medicine, chemistry,
and physics. Science, with its applications, became part of social practice,
just as it was part of that practice through teaching and research. Science was
not marginal in the Arab-Islamic city. Nor was it marginal in popular culture.
This is one of the characteristics of Arab civilization, even in the ages of
decline.
The third factor contributing to the
scientific renaissance is a preceding renaissance in the humanities and social
sciences, namely theology, linguistics, history, jurisprudence, interpretation,
and others. Significant circumstances surrounded the emergence of these
sciences, which prepared for and prompted interest in mathematics and other
sciences. An example of this is Al-Khalil's Kitab al-Ayn and the emergence of
the first lexicography in history. This work required a thorough knowledge of
phonetics as well as the principles of calculating combinations and
permutations to inventory the language's vocabulary. This is what Al-Khalil
adopted. In short, these social and human sciences raised numerous issues whose
resolution required the adoption and development of other sciences, such as
mathematics and others, or the invention of new sciences—such as permutations
and combinations—and these social sciences prepared a large audience interested
in other sciences, as well as linguistic tools, thus preparing the Arabic
language to receive new knowledge.
It is clear that this scientific
renaissance encompassed all branches of knowledge at that time and did not stop
at some. It also included theoretical branches and applications related to the
needs of the new society. Thus, science became an essential part of general
culture, which was not limited to religion, language, or literature alone. This
became one of the characteristics of Arab culture, as evidenced by the books of
classifications of ancient and modern sciences, and by popular culture. In this
regard, let us listen to the Barber of Baghdad in One Thousand and One Nights:
He says, "...you will find me the best barber in Baghdad, an experienced
sage, a profound pharmacist, and an infallible astrologer, well-versed in
grammar and rhetoric, and qualified in the mathematical sciences, geometry,
arithmetic, and all matters of algebra. In history, I know the history of the
kingdoms of the world, and I also know all the branches of philosophy… (The Arab Homeland and the
Localization of Science, pp. 7-8).
B-
The circumstances of the emergence of the Arab Sciences
In addition to these three factors, Rashed believes that the
emergence of different schools of jurisprudence and the problems of
interpreting texts and applying them to reality led to the emergence of the
humanities first, followed by the natural sciences and translation from Greek. Rashed
believes that all of this stemmed from the acceptance of the idea of pluralism
in ancient Islamic thought, as he expresses in his interview with the Kuwaiti
magazine Al-Arabi as follows:
From the first era, real problems began, and they were in
interpretation and evidence. At the
same time, interest in the humanities and research in the humanities began, and schools were established, and competing schools
were allowed to compete with others, and they appeared in Kufa, Basra, and
Baghdad, and then in other places in
the Islamic world, and other sciences appeared that were not known before.
If we take, for example, the work of Al-Khalil ibn Ahmad in
linguistics, his application of
mathematics to language, and his invention of new topics in linguistics. Or, on
the other hand, we see how schools
of jurisprudence also emerged, such as the Hanafi and Shafi'i schools, among
others, which began applying
mathematics to inheritance and inheritance calculations, which led to the idea
of developing other sciences
and introducing mathematics.
An example of this is Al-Shaybani, who wrote a copy of a book on
the calculation of inheritance, to show a new
science of arithmetic that imposes difference and contradiction. The basic
thing is the emergence of the idea of contradiction, without
the existence of the idea of excommunication, and allowing pluralism from the
beginning, which helped in the emergence of speech that
also has social origins, some of which trace their origins back to Persia and
the Byzantine Empire - where they had
different beliefs.
These profound philosophical issues emerged, which encouraged the
translation movement. The state took
the initiative in translation, and it did not say that these were heretical
sciences, or that they were inauthentic sciences, nor was it said that all
Greek sciences were inauthentic sciences. Rather, it absorbed new
needs in a huge and creative way, and there became a market in the true sense
of the word: a market for thought, a market for philosophy, and a market for sciences.
There were scholars, jurists, and linguists who needed a culture
different from other scientific
needs, such as astronomy. The main thing was pluralism and resorting to reason in the presence of the text. For example,
looking at the theory of analogy, which was a subject of intense
debate, and whether to accept the rulings of analogy or not, there was a
plurality of opinions among all
four schools of thought, and Shiite scholars had other opinions. Things were
taken this way, and there were no complications
that - unfortunately - some of which exist now. This plurality, difference, and
resorting to reason created this situation. (Interview with the Kuwaiti Al-Arabi magazine, April 2007).
C-
The basic features of Arabic science
The basic features of Arab science, as Rashed
sees them, can be summed up in a new mathematical rationality and
experimentation as a form of proof. These features emerged in the shadow of the
largest translation movement known to history and in the
pursuit of creative scientific knowledge, not merely the creation of libraries. This is expressed as follows,
This new scientific culture was built upon
the transmission of ancient knowledge, especially that which flourished in the
bosom of the Hellenistic civilization, as is well known. However, if we
contemplate the scientific translation movement, particularly in astronomy and
mathematics, another characteristic with profound meaning will emerge. We will
see that this translation is closely linked to scientific research and
creativity. The purpose of translation was not to create a scientific library
to enrich the treasuries of caliphs and princes, but rather to meet the needs
of scientific research. If we do not fully understand this phenomenon, we will
not understand anything about this translation movement, which was the largest
scientific translation movement known to history. Suffice it to mention here
that the translators themselves were leaders of the scientific movement, and
some of them are even immortal scholars throughout the ages, including:
Al-Hajjaj ibn Matar, Thabit ibn Qurra, and Qusta ibn Luqa, to name just a few.
Another is that the selection of books, as well as the timing of that
selection, were closely related to the topic under discussion. To take one
example, when Thabit ibn Qurra translated several books of Apollonius's
Conics—the most difficult and sophisticated works on Greek geometry—he needed
them for his new mathematical research, particularly those related to
calculating areas and volumes. The connection between scientific translation
and advanced research is not only a historical fact; it also explains the
secret of translation activity among the highest-ranking researchers in the
fields of astronomy and mathematics, and it also illuminates some of the
characteristics of linguistic translation.
There is no doubt that one outcome of all
these activities was the emergence of scientific Arabic at the confluence of
two research streams: one in the humanities, particularly linguistics, and the
other, the scientific research stream itself, which pursued two simultaneous
approaches: translation, linked to scientific research, creativity within it,
and the invention of new sciences unknown to the ancients. Perhaps the two most
important characteristics of the new knowledge produced by Arab civilization
are:
a-New mathematical rationality.
b-Experimentation as a form of proof.
As for the new rationalism, it can be
described in two words: analytical determinism. Experimentation—and its
introduction with Al-Hasan Ibn Al-Haytham as a demonstrative criterion in
physical research—led to narrowing the deep gap that separated science and art
in Greek and Hellenistic culture. The relationship between them changed in
Islamic culture. In brief, we can describe Arab scientific culture as
experimental determinism. (The Arab Homeland and the Localization of Science,
Al-Mustaqbal Al-Arabi, August 2008, pp. 7-9).
D- The relationship between Arab science
and the history of science
Within this general framework of the
concept of the history of science and the concept of scientific traditions, Dr.
Rushdi Rashed presents an image of Arab science as the first global scientific
revolution in history, in the true sense of the term. Dr. Rashed describes this
as follows:
If the in-depth student of Arabic science
were to describe it in a nutshell, that is, describe its essence, it would
become abundantly clear that this science was still realizing what was latent
in Greek science. What he finds in the embryonic form of the Alexandrian
scholars—namely, the tendency to transcend the boundaries of a single region
and break the shackles of a particular culture to embrace the dimensions of the
entire world—has become a fully realized reality in a science that developed
around the Mediterranean basin, not only as a geographical area, but also as a
focal point of communication and exchange for all the civilizations that arose
around this basin, the center of the ancient world, as well as on its peripheries.
The word "global" is the most appropriate and accurate word to
describe this new Arabic science: this science was global in its sources and
origins, global in its developments and extensions. Although most of its
sources and origins were Hellenistic, they also included Syriac, Sanskrit, and
Persian writings. It is well known that these sources did not flow with the
same abundance and influence. What's worth noting here, however, is their
multiplicity and diverse origins. These diversity and variety played a
significant role in shaping certain features of Arab science. This
characteristic is shared by all fields of science, including the most
Greek-rooted, such as mathematics. It's possible, without the slightest
hesitation or embarrassment, to describe mathematics as such because it is the
heir to Greek mathematics. However, if we wish to chronicle Arab mathematics,
we must return to other sources, from Babylonian to Sanskrit, to understand
what was achieved in trigonometry and numerical analysis. In this case, the
conscientious and meticulous historian must not fail to examine the new
mathematical framework before delving into the study of the inherited results.
He must analyze and describe, phenomenologically, if the word is correct, the
commonality of all these mathematical traditions and their integration into the
new society. It is also important to note that this phenomenon was not the
product of chance or luck. The scientific traditions represented by the
scholars of Islamic civilization were not transmitted by merchant caravans,
sailors' ships, or jihadist armies. Rather, they were the fruits of excavation
and research into the books of the ancients undertaken by eminent scholars who
actively translated numerous scientific and philosophical works, with the
support of the political authority that paved the way and encouraged their
continuation. There were schools of these scholars, sometimes competing,
sometimes cooperating. Their scientific research itself drove them to excavate
the works of their ancestors to translate them into Arabic. Their goal was not
to translate these books for the sake of publicity, but rather to pursue active
scientific research. Among these schools was the school of Hunayn, his son, and
his family. There was also the school of Banu Musa and their disciples, and the
school of al-Kindi, Qusta, and their allies. I have never known of a parallel
to this phenomenon, which produced, for the first time in history, a scientific
library with the dimensions of the world of that era. This library contained
the scientific and philosophical output of traditions of diverse origins and
languages. These scientific traditions and their productions became part of a
single civilization whose scientific language was Arabic. Thus, these traditions
acquired the means to influence and be influenced by each other, enabling them
to develop new approaches and delve into scientific fields unknown to the
ancients, such as algebra, geometric projections, and others. (Arab Sciences
between Epistemology and History, Philosophy and the Age, Issue Two, January
2002, pp. 31-32).
H - The impact of correcting the status
of Arab science on the history of science
The effect that this image has on the
history of science as it appeared in the modern West is a modification of the
image that was presented in the West regarding the history of science, and a
clearer and more correct understanding of classical science and how modern
science emerged, which is explained as follows:
It is clear, then, that renewing the writing
of the history of Arab science leads us to renew the history of science itself.
This is the price we must pay in order to contribute to the progress of the
history of science as a whole, and in order for the history of Arab science to
achieve at least the following three tasks: opening the way to a true
understanding of the history of classical science between the ninth and
seventeenth centuries; renewing the history of science in general by redrawing
the image distorted by ideological views, and understanding Islamic culture
properly by restoring what was one of its dimensions, namely the rational
scientific dimension. The Islamic heritage was not only language, religion, and
literature, but also science, philosophy, and logic; and here and there lay the
authenticity, universality, and openness of this heritage. (Arab Sciences
between Epistemology and History, Philosophy and the Age, Issue Two, January
2002, pp. 35-36).
The concept of modernity
The result of this research was a change in Dr. Rashed’s concept of
modernity. Modernity is not a single modernity, it is European modernity, but
rather multiple modernities. He explains this in his interview with Dar Al
Khaleej as follows:
In your scientific research, you aim to break down traditional
barriers between different sciences. Is this a response to the demands of
modernity?
It is a response to the objectivity
of the work, and this was imposed on me during my work. These barriers were
usually false or ideological barriers. The search for historical truth is what
led me to this. There is no single modernity, and whoever claims this does not
know and does not know that he does not know. There are multiple modernities in
the fourth century BC, and there is a modernity in the tenth Arab century and
in the seventeenth century, and there is a modernity in the early twentieth
century. So the modernities are multiple and accumulated. (Dar Al Khaleej
Dialogue, July 7, 2008).
Attitude towards the future
Dr. Rashed takes a strongly critical stance
toward the political systems in contemporary Arab societies, accusing them of
failing to support science as a fundamental societal value and of failing to
work toward establishing effective, modern societies. He therefore takes a
generally pessimistic stance regarding the future of the Arab Renaissance,
despite his belief that there are significant potentials for achieving it. From
his perspective, the Renaissance depends, first, on societal freedom, and
second, on science becoming a fundamental societal value. In
an interview with Al-Masry Al-Youm, he expressed his pessimism about the future
of the Arab Renaissance as follows:
Why do we in Egypt lack the idea of serious interest in science and
the idea of building a civilization?
Because we lack many things, for example, it saddens me to see the
media and political cheering in Egypt when any Egyptian receives an
international or global honor, such as Dr. Zewail, Dr. Mustafa El-Sayed, Dr.
Magdi Yacoub, and many others! Everyone here should feel ashamed and sad,
because he took it for his role abroad, not for his role here... Unfortunately,
we have not succeeded in Egypt in making science a social value, because this
requires that we recognize the mind as the primary social value, and this is
something that did not happen as a result of the dictatorial rule at times, and
playing with religion at other times, and accepting clauses in the Camp David
Accords that prevent the establishment of a true scientific renaissance project
in Egypt. (Al-Masry Al-Youm, May 10, 2009).
1-The future of Arab scientific research
Dr. Rashed has a detailed position on the future
of Arab scientific research, and believes that it faces several challenges.
The first problem is the ruling elites’
focus on applied scientific research in a pragmatic manner. In his opinion,
this does not lead to a scientific renaissance, because it is necessary to
focus on sciences in both their theoretical and practical aspects. This appears
in his following interview with Al-Ahram Al-Arabi magazine:
To answer this question, we must consider the following question:
What do we have scientifically in the Arab world that others are forced to
translate? It is clear that most of the scientific materials available to Arabs
are an extension of scientific theses that were prepared primarily in the West.
Although I cannot judge in general, I say that there is no such thing as Arab
scientific research or Arab scientific production. There is, of course, the
production of excellent individuals, many of whom are abroad and some of whom
are present at home, and they write in multiple languages. However, these individuals
do not, however, make an Arab contribution or scientific production, as they
work alone. Here we must differentiate between the presence of individuals and
the presence of Arab scientific schools that pose their scientific questions
and answer them, and others resort to them to borrow these questions and these
answers. This does not exist. This is the current situation. In addition to
that, there are long-term historical reasons, including: since the era of
Muhammad Ali and the era of Abdel Nasser until now, no one has been interested
in science as a social value, as interest was paid to technology more than
science, or to applied research more than theoretical scientific research,
because the concept of science was in practice. For example, when Muhammad Ali
brought the Saint-Simonians, who helped introduce science into Egypt, such as
Clot Beck, this conception was utilitarian and practical.
This situation continued, and when the revolution or coup came in
1952, there was a feeling of the importance of science, but the concept was
also practical, and no research institutes were created or established that
work on theoretical science, and even the Egyptian Research Institute is
basically more of an applied direction than a theoretical one.
Another reason is the presence of the old colonialism. One of the
most important things the British did immediately after entering Egypt was to
abolish the scientific colleges. When the Egyptian University was established
and excellent individuals such as Mustafa Mosharafa and Mustafa Nazif appeared,
they tried with individual efforts to revive scientific research and work for
it. They established associations and magazines between the forties and
fifties. Because they were individual efforts in most cases, they did not turn
into social experiences within Egyptian and Arab society, and science was not
imposed as a social value, because for this to happen, rationality must be
recognized as the primary social value, which did not happen either.
After the setbacks and defeats, we entered a new phase that began
with the end of the Nasser era, and with the first days of Sadat, then we
entered into the Camp David Accords. This treaty had conditions, among them the
cancellation of all embryonic scientific attempts that took place during Abdel
Nasser's era, such as the Nuclear Energy Institute, which included Musharafa
and others, the cessation of scientific missions to Russia, and the cessation
of research in physics and chemistry, which were included in the curriculum of
the Nuclear Energy Institute. As we know, research begets research, so if mere
research stops, what do we expect? Research in physics, for example, requires
scientific training in mathematics, chemistry, and other scientific fields.
This is the value of research, which helps in a kind of scientific renaissance,
not just its utilitarian form. (Al-Ahram Al-Arabi, February 2, 2008).
The second problem is the absence of scientific research in the
social sciences and the development of societal systems, which he believes must
accompany natural scientific research.
He says,
The strange thing is that through my studies in the history of
science, I found that there is a close connection between work in social fields
and work in science, even mathematics, meaning: work in social fields such as
language or history creates a kind of society in need of exact sciences, and
this is what happened in the history of science in the Arab period, in the
ninth century, and before that in the seventh century, for example, there was
intensive research in the social sciences in language, history, and
jurisprudence, and the application of mathematics in jurisprudence, and in
philosophy and theology, which created a kind of market for science or an
audience for science, because these are the same ones who will request the
translation of books from Greek and others, and to go further than this they
will need mathematics and astronomy. It is a close connection between the
theoretical and scientific fields. On the other hand, there is another
connection, which is that if the scientist who works in physics or mathematics
is researching a certain field, you cannot separate this from development in other
fields, such as the education system and encouraging scientific research. And
planning for it, and I do not know of a society in which only natural science
or mathematics developed except in rare cases, as in Holland at one time,
without development in theoretical social systems such as philosophy and
others, even in dictatorial systems such as the Soviet Union there was a huge
development in the natural sciences, but at the same time there was research in
language and anthropology. (Al-Ahram Al-Arabi, February 2, 2008).
Rashed believes that in order for Arab scientific research to
succeed, it is necessary to focus on specializations that are appropriate to
the Arab nature, and that scientific research priorities should be determined
based on that, as follows,
Wouldn't it be important to dedicate some sciences to the Arab
regions, that is, to have scientific
theories accompanied by applied theories that benefit the Arab regions?
Yes,
it is necessary, and specialization must come from within, not as a result of imports
or suppliers. In other words, it
is possible to allocate solar energy exploited by the state of (the Israeli
occupation), but we must view this with
more moderation, and we must decide this, meaning, is it easy for
a country like Egypt to develop solar energy or develop other energies?
There
are priorities. It's not enough to hear in the West that there is interest in solar energy for reasons such as rising oil prices.
We must move away from traditional imports. Rather,
we must start with the basics and do what we want, when we want. Without
scientific research, we are doomed
to failure.
Muhammad
Ali and Gamal Abdel Nasser failed when they did not pay attention to scientific research. Despite the enormity of
Muhammad Ali's work, you will find that everything was applied. You will not
find that he established an institute or
academy, and no one thought of this. Likewise, when Gamal Abdel Nasser
established the research center,
he did not pay attention to basic scientific research. (Al-Arabi
Kuwaiti Magazine, April 2007).
2-The future of Arab societies
Dr. Rashed believes that the future of Arab societies is linked to
the scientific renaissance, and that it is necessary to focus on educating the
distinguished as a gateway to creating scientists.
Personally , although
I am not one of those who think backward, I now insist on optional
education. This means that schools and institutes must be established that
nurture and care for the distinguished so that they can reach the furthest possible level of knowledge.
This is undemocratic, but it is the only way to create scientists
for a society that is so
backward. For example, in France, there are universities, but what they insist
on—primarily—is what they call
"grand schools," such as the Ecole Normale Supérieure. These people
have all the material and moral
capabilities, yet they are outside the scope of the university.
If we take prestigious universities in America, such as Harvard,
there is financial discrimination and
elite selection of applicants. This is the same thing at the University of
Tokyo, where I worked, so that the elite of
society graduates who work in the army, police ,
and government institutions .
(Interview with the Kuwaiti Al-Arabi magazine, April 2007).
He also believes that it is necessary to develop a scientific
Arabic language because the language is essential for the development of
science and to make it possible to communicate with the Arab scientific
heritage.
If we ignore Arab science, we will not understand the achievements
of European science in the seventeenth century. Without Arab science, European
science would not have existed, especially in telescopes, mathematics,
astronomy, and medicine. While it is part of the history of science, it can
play a significant role in creating a scientific community in Arab countries
and fostering practical awareness in the Arab world. The fundamental problem
facing Arabs is the lack of social value for science. This value should be a
dimension of Arab science, and the philosophy of science should contribute
significantly to creating and renewing the scientific language of Arabic. Many
colleges still teach science in other languages, but unfortunately, this has
increased in recent years. I claim that science, at least in the early stages,
can only be taught in the national language.
The mechanisms for change are to
look at the educational system from top to bottom, starting with the beginning,
not the universities and high schools. From the beginning, the educational
system must be defined and localized, but we are moving in the opposite
direction by establishing foreign schools and so-called third and fourth-rate
universities. The major universities cannot send us their most important and
senior professors to teach, but will often send us third and fourth-rate
professors. The test, then, is to look at the educational system and empower
the language, as language is the tool of thought, and unfortunately, we see a
decline in classical Arabic in Arab countries, especially Egypt, and
consequently, scientific awareness has disappeared. We are waiting for the
return of reason, just as we previously waited for the return of the spirit.
Society is now proceeding irrationally in many areas, and it is enough to look
around you to see. Reason will not return except with freedom of criticism at
all political, social, religious and philosophical levels. (Dar Al Khaleej
Dialogue, July 7, 2008).
Dr. Rashed believes that the localization of
science in Arab societies and its transformation into a basic societal value is
conditional upon the formation of Arab scientific traditions, which
he summarizes as follows:
From an analysis of the historical experiences of the Arab world,
we can draw some conclusions:
The history of classical, modern, and industrial science teaches us
that there is no transfer or import of science, only its localization. This
localization can only be achieved by a decision from the political authority
and thanks to the voluntary commitment of the economic, military, and
scientific elites. Without this, there will be no localization of science;
there will only be scientific institutions that appear to be science but are in
reality illusions. Science has never been a structure isolated from other
social structures. But in many Arab countries, the scientific community, still
in its infancy, remains isolated from political and social structures...
- Science can only be localized by
developing national traditions of research, especially basic research. This
requires not only allocating the necessary resources to establish research
institutions, train scientists, and secure their livelihoods, but also
supporting and encouraging a general scientific culture, including the
dissemination of scientific knowledge, research into the history and philosophy
of science, and its teaching; the creation of scientific journals of acceptable
quality—not merely translations of American and other journals, etc.
The scientific mentality and scientific culture, and indeed true
education, cannot be supported without a good systematic Arabization of all
types of scientific education.
- Establishing research centers with
material and scientific weight across the Arab world as a whole, especially in
the fields of “Big Science . ”
- Encouraging the establishment of
elite scientific centers to train scientists and conduct scientific research,
not only at the regional level but also at the Arab world level.
- Encouraging major laboratories to
contribute not only to applied research, but also to basic research.
- Eliminating the logic of technology
development being possible in isolation from basic and technical research. This
logic has been proven to be a failure, as has the logic of transferring science
and technology and relying on foreign aid for this purpose. This
"dependent" approach has not led to any benefit, as the history of
science and technology throughout history teaches us. Quite the opposite: we
must adopt the logic of ownership and localization of science, no matter the
cost. This logic requires us to own the past, the past of science, especially
in the Arab world, to own its language, etc. - this is a condition for
building, because it is a condition for scientific culture and its
dissemination.
Therefore, it is now necessary to establish research institutes on
science policies and their history in Arab countries so that failed experiments
are not repeated - as was the case two centuries ago - and also to study the
history of science and technology and the methods of acquiring them. The Arab
world now appears to be in dire need of a policy committed to the return of the
spirit - I mean the return of reason, including the scientific spirit to
confront challenges. Science is a civilization, not just technology. (The Arab
World and the Localization of Science, pp. 24-25).
3-The future of the Arab Renaissance
Dr. Rashed's pessimism about the future of
the Arab Renaissance is evident in his numerous interviews. In his interview
with Al-Masry Al-Youm newspaper, he says,
Don't you see any sign of hope that we might have a scientific
project in Egypt?
- I don't want to be pessimistic, but
we are in circumstances that don't allow us to establish a scientific project.
Look at the state of education, which is in limitless decline. Years ago, I was
invited to give lectures to students at the Faculty of Philosophy at Cairo
University. I felt that I would be paralyzed by the level of the students, who
whenever I asked them about a reference from the references that we used to
study in the first year in our time, they told me that they studied it in
graduate studies!
I read about the huge disparity between arts and science students
in high school. So where are the core scientists we'll recruit for our science
projects? In America, they do this, but not based on grades or the coordination
office, but rather to select the elite of scientists.
Is it reasonable that we have the prevailing notion that a student
of philosophy has the ability to memorize, while a student of mathematics has
the ability to understand? The world, since the time of Socrates, has known
that there is no philosophy without mathematics, because philosophy is, above
all, an intellectual practice.
In addition to all this, we lack a vision or plan for tomorrow's
problems. For example, we have a water problem. Have we prepared ourselves for
the water war that will erupt in the region in the coming years? No.
We have a delta that is at risk of sinking. Have we heard anyone
tell us what to do? The answer is also no. There are no serious attempts to
establish the nucleus of a scientific project.
We are in the darkest period of our history as Egyptians. We simply
don't have a people. They exist, but they are poor and lack the will to demand
their rights and the rights of future generations.
Couldn't your theory of applying mathematics to the humanities
provide us with a path to salvation?
It's possible, but there isn't the will to pursue this path, which
is well-known to many. The solution, simply put, lies in promoting rational
thinking and separating religion from state—not in the trivial sense of the
word, but rather in the sense of distancing religion from politics in all its
forms. We need to promote the concept of jihad for the sake of all citizens,
regardless of their religion, gender, color, or social and cultural background.
We need to liberate minds and develop sound judgment.
To combat the decline that has afflicted everything, the decline
has no end, but how long will we continue this decline? Is it conceivable that
we had a newspaper like Al-Ahram, with all its history and heritage, for its
level to reach this level? I cannot believe that Al-Ahram, which was one of the
strongest newspapers in the world, has reached this state.
Do you believe in secularism as a
way out of the dilemma of lost civilization then?
- I believe in freedom of thought and
the rule of law over all. Why do we call for the separation of religion and
state in France as well? To protect our rights as Muslims and as Arabs there as
a minority. Reason and the law are sufficient to protect humanity and civilization.
As for religion, it is a relationship between the servant and his Lord. It
should not be used to achieve political interests. (Al-Masry Al-Youm, May 10,
2009)
Dr. Rashed holds the political authority responsible for the
prevailing conditions, as in his following interview with the Kuwaiti Al-Arabi
magazine:
* What can we build on now that we
have to get out of the impasse of backwardness?
There are several things that can be built upon, as things are not
completely dark. The first is that we begin by building scientific institutions
such as the Library of Alexandria, in all branches of science, and on sound
foundations. This will not happen without the existence of a society that wants
science to have social value, and the basis for that is that reason is the
basic criterion. Do not talk to me here about constants. I want to think and
research all issues and subject them to reason. Then someone comes and stops me
under the pretext that these are the constants of society, and if you do not
respect them, I will imprison you as the authorities do, or assassinate you, as
the Muslim Brotherhood does. In addition to the above, there must be a real
renaissance project, not just propaganda, and this will not happen except by
giving people the right to initiative.
* What
do you mean by democracy?
Call it what you want, the important thing is to give people the
opportunity to take the initiative. Third, and most importantly: linking
science to production. If you do not have a productive and industrial society,
then what need do you have for science? Because science is not necessary in a
rentier society, and you have scientists, and you can seek help from scientists
from abroad if you have this project to advance.
* Is this the responsibility of the
political decision or society?
Responsibility for the political decision, and this is what I have
been saying for an hour, but you want it to be explicit and here I am saying it
to you, and then comes the people’s turn if they are willing to rise up then
they have the right to impose that on the politicians. (Al-Ahram Al-Arabi,
February 2009).
In this sense, Dr.
Rashed's point of view is that the starting point for renaissance is changing the prevailing
culture and the prevalence of rationality. As
shown at the end of his interview with the Kuwaiti Al-Arabi magazine,
Regarding scientific projects in the Arab world, do you believe
that the prevailing culture and way of
thinking, and the lack of intellectual and philosophical theses, have an impact
on the lack of interest in
science? In other words, interest in science requires a prevalent scientific
culture among people. What are the
influences that affect the Arab world in this regard?
First, before
scientific culture, there are rational values in Arab culture. That
is, until now in Arab culture there is a discussion and dialogue in writing
about whether we should resort to reason
or not .
I'm not saying that all cultures are governed by reason. There is a
rational side and an irrational side,
but at least we acknowledge the rational side. That is, if we discuss what the standard is, is it reason or a text, it depends
on your own view of the text.
In this regard, I was discussing with an official in an Arab
country, and he said there are constants!
I asked: What are the constants? He said: Religious, of course. I wondered: Do
Christians and Jews have constants?
I added: I do not recognize these constants, so are you coming to me with my
conditions because I do not recognize them? I am
a citizen and I have the right to choose the constants, so do not impose them
on me, because I may doubt these constants.
Thus, when we resort to reason, this basic idea emerges. I see that there is a huge decline. You only have to
walk down the street to see this decline. It is a decline in
speech in newspapers, in the style of expression, in every aspect.
As for how we can restore rational values, this is where the idea
of teaching science, the philosophy
of science, and the history of science comes in. This is one of the rationally
based methods, in addition to working
to spread simple scientific knowledge and simplify the sciences, and this is
the project. In other words, if
we want to enter this era, we must enter it through these methods and not
through any other means. However,
according to my possible perception - because I am not a resident - the basic
trend of political practice is
moving in the opposite direction, and I cannot be franker than this. (Interview with
the Kuwaiti Al-Arabi magazine, April 2007).
His
most important works
1-Books
In French
·
Introduction to the History of Science - Part One: Elements and
Instruments, co-authored, Paris,
Hachette, 1971.
·
Introduction to the
History of Science - Part Two: Subject and Methods, Hachette, 1972.
·
Condorcet: Mathematics
and Society, Paris, Hermann, 1974, translated into Spanish 1990
·
"Between
Arithmetic and Algebra - Studies in the History of Arab Mathematics",
Series of Arab Sciences and Philosophies, Paris, 1984
·
Diophantus - The Science
of Numbers, Book 4, Volume 3, French Universities Series, Paris, Dar Al-Adab
Al-Rafia, 1984
·
Diophantus - The Science
of Numbers, Books 5, 6, 7, Volumes 4, Series of the Universities of France,
Paris, Dar Al-Adab Al-Rafia, 1984
·
Jean Aitard - Attempts in
the History of Mathematics, compiled and introduced by Rushdi Rashed, Paris,
Blanchard, 1984
·
"Studies
on Ibn Sina", edited by J. Jollivier and Rushdi Rashed, Series of Arab
Sciences and Philosophies, Paris, High Arts, 1984.
·
Sharaf al-Din al-Tusi -
Mathematical Works, Algebra and Geometry in the Twelfth Century, Volume 1,
Series of Arabic Sciences and Philosophies, Paris, High Arts, 1986.
·
Sharaf al-Din al-Tusi -
Mathematical Works, Algebra and Geometry in the Twelfth Century, Volume 2,
Series of Arabic Sciences and Philosophies, Paris, High Arts, 1986.
·
"Sciences
in the Age of the French Revolution: Historical Studies," edited by Rushdi
Rashed, Paris Blanchard, 1988
·
Mathematics and
Philosophy from Antiquity to the Seventeenth Century: Studies Dedicated to
Jules Villemin, edited by Rushdi Rashed, CNRS, Paris, 1991
·
"Optics
and Mathematics: Research on the History of Arabic Scientific Thought,"
Varium, Aldershot, 1992
·
“Geometry
and Optics in the Tenth Century – Ibn Sahl, Al-Quhi, and Ibn Al-Haytham,”
Paris, Les Arts Républiques, 1993.
·
Analytical Mathematics
between the Ninth and Eleventh Centuries, Volume 2, Ibn al-Haytham, London,
Al-Furqan British Islamic Heritage Foundation, 1993
·
Analytical Mathematics
between the Ninth and Eleventh Centuries, Volume 2, Founders and Commentators,
London, Al-Furqan British Islamic Heritage Foundation, 1996
·
"The
Philosophical and Scientific Works of Al-Kindi", Volume 1, Optics and
Photonics of Al-Kindi, Leiden, 1997.
·
Descartes and the Middle
Ages, edited by Joël Pierre and Rushdi Rashed, Paris, Jean-François, 1997
·
"The
Philosophical and Scientific Works of al-Kindi, Volume II, Metaphysics and
Cosmology", with J. Jolivet, Leiden, 1998
·
Pierre Fermat - Theory of
Numbers, texts translated by Paul Tannery and introduced and annotated by
Rushdi Rashed, Paris, Blanchard, 1999
·
“Theories
of Science from Antiquity to the Seventeenth Century,” Rushdi Rashed and Joël
Pierre (eds.), Louvain, Peters Publishing House, 1999
·
"Khayyam
Mathematically", in collaboration with B. Vahabzadeh, Paris, Blanchard
Library, 1999.
·
"The
Greek Scientists of Light - Part One: The Burning Mirrors", published,
translated and studied, Paris, Dar Al-Adab Al-Rafeea Publishing House, 2000.
·
"Ibrahim
ibn Sinan – Logic and Geometry in the Tenth Century", co-edited with Helen
Plosta, Leiden, 2000
·
Analytical Mathematics
from the Ninth to the Eleventh Century, Part Three: Ibn al-Haytham, Conic
Theorems, Geometrical Constructions and Applied Geometry, London, Al-Furqan
Islamic Heritage Foundation, 2000.
·
Analytical Mathematics
from the Ninth to the Eleventh Century, Part Four: Geometric Methods, Uniform
Transformations and the Philosophy of Mathematics, London, Al-Furqan Islamic
Heritage Foundation, 2002.
·
“Mathematical
Research and Teaching in the Ninth Century – The Collection of the Geometrical
Hypotheses of Na’im ibn Musa” (co-authored with Christian Hozel), Cahiers Medieus,
No. 2, Louvain, Paris, 2004
·
Maimonides, Philosopher
and Scientist 1138-1204, Collected
Studies by Tony Levy and Rushdi Rashed, Ancient and Classical Sciences,
Louvain, Peters, 2004.
·
Mathematical Works of
Sigzi - Volume I: Conic Mathematics and Number Theory in the Ninth Century,
Cahiers Medieu, No. 3, Louvain, Pieters, Paris, 2004.
·
Geometry and Refraction
in Classical Islam, London, Al-Furqan, 2005.
·
“Philosophy
of Mathematics and Epistemology – The Blindness of Jules Villemin”, Rushdi
Rashed and Pellegrin (eds.) Collection of Science in History, Paris, Blanchard,
2005
·
In the History of Science
– Philosophical Studies, Tunisian Academy “Beit Al-Hikma” and UNESCO Cahiers in
Philosophy, Carthage, 2005, in French and Arabic.
·
Analytical Mathematics
from the Ninth to the Eleventh Century, Part V: Ibn al-Haytham, Spherical
Geometry and Astronomy, London, Al-Furqan Heritage Foundation, 2000..
French
translation
·
"History
of Arab Sciences", three parts, Paris, Lesoy Publishing House, 1997
In Arabic
·
“Al-Bahir
fi al-Jabr” by Al-Samawal (joint investigation with Ahmed Saidan), Damascus,
Damascus University Publications, 1972.
·
"The
Art of Algebra in Diophantus", Cairo, Dar Al-Kutub, 1975.
·
“The
Forced Production of Tents” (joint investigation with Ahmed Jabbar), Aleppo,
Aleppo University Publications, 1981.
·
In the History of Science
– Philosophical Studies, Tunisian Academy “Beit Al-Hikma” and UNESCO Cahiers in
Philosophy, Carthage, 2005, in French and Arabic.
Translations
into Arabic
·
“Between
Arithmetic and Algebra - Studies in the History of Arab Mathematics,” Center
for Arab Unity Studies, Beirut, 1989
·
Encyclopedia of the
History of Arab Sciences, three parts, Beirut, Center for Arab Unity Studies,
1997
·
Diophantus of Alexandria
- "The Algebra of the Algebra", translated by Qusta bin Luqa, edited
and introduced by Rushdi Rashed, Scientific Heritage, Cairo, Egyptian General
Book Authority, 1975.
·
"Al-Samawal,
The Magnificent in Algebra", Comments, Introduction and Publication by
Salah Ahmad and Rushdi Rashed, Scientific Books Series, Damascus, Damascus
University, 1973
·
Sharaf al-Din al-Tusi -
Mathematical Works, Algebra and Geometry in the Twelfth Century, Volume 1,
published by the Center for Arab Unity Studies, Beirut, in Arabic 1998.
·
Sharaf al-Din al-Tusi -
Mathematical Works, Algebra and Geometry in the Twelfth Century, Volume II,
published by the Center for Arab Unity Studies, Beirut, in Arabic 1998.
·
“Geometry
and Optics in the Tenth Century – Ibn Sahl, Al-Quhi, and Ibn Al-Haytham,”
Center for Arab Unity Studies, Beirut, 1996
in English
·
Encyclopedia of the
History of Arab Science (Editor-in-Chief: Rushdi Rashed), London and New York,
Routledge, 1996, three parts.
Translations into English
·
“Between
Arithmetic and Algebra – Studies in the History of Arabic Mathematics,” Boston
Studies in the History of Science, Clore, 1994.
·
Analytical Mathematics
between the Ninth and Eleventh Centuries, Volume 1, Ibn al-Haytham, London,
Al-Furqan British Islamic Heritage Foundation, 2000
·
Analytical Mathematics
between the Ninth and Eleventh Centuries, Volume 2, Founders and Commentators,
London, Al-Furqan British Islamic Heritage Foundation, 2000
·
"Omar
Al-Khayyam - The Mathematician", co-edited with B. Vahabzadeh, Persian
Heritage Series, No. 4, New York, Persian Library Press, 2000, without Arabic
texts.
In Italian
·
“The
Story of Science, Part Three: Islamic Civilization,” (Scientific Supervisor and
Co-Editor), Encyclopedia Italia, Rome, 2002.
Persian translation
·
Encyclopedia of the
History of Arab Sciences, three parts, Tehran
Polish translation
·
Encyclopedia of the
History of Arab Science, three parts, Poland
Japanese translation
·
Between Arithmetic and
Algebra - Studies in the History of Arabic Mathematics, Tokyo University Press
Translate into Turkish
Classic Avrupali Modernitenin Icadi and Islam'da
Bilim . (Recue from articles translated into Arabic
by Bekir S. Gür), Ankara, Kadim Yayinlari, 2005, 360 p .
2-Research
Dr. Rushdi Rashed has a very large number
of articles published in the most important international journals, exceeding
one hundred and fifty.
·
The Arab World and the Localization of Science , Al-Mustaqbal Al-Arabi, August 2008
·
Arabic Sciences between Epistemology and History ,
Philosophy and the Age, Issue Two, January 2002
Dialogues and articles
·
Interview with Al-Masry Al-Youm newspaper
·
Interview with the Kuwaiti Al-Arabi magazine
·
Interview with Al-Ahram Al-Arabi magazine
·
Interview with Dar Al Khaleej
Articles about him
·
Rushdi Rashed: A Look at the Problem of Science
in Arab Culture from a Philosophical Perspective - Abdullah Al-Mutairi
·
Conquests of Arab Science - Dr. Wael Ghali
sources
·
Center for the History of Medieval Arabic Science
and Philosophy
Center d'Histoire des Sciences et des
Philosophies Arabes et Médiévales
·
“ A Discussion with Rushdi Rached ”,
2004, in,
Morlon Réjé and Ahmed Hasnaoui (eds.) “From Zeno of Elea to Poincaré: A
Collection of Studies Dedicated to Rushdi Rached”, 2004, Cahiers Medio, pp. ( V-XXVII ). In French.
Entretien de Roshdi Rashed, 2004, in MORELON,
Régis & Ahmad HASNAWI (eds.), "The Zenon D'Elee A Poincare: Recueil
D'Etudes In Hommage A Roshdi Rashed", 2004, (Les Cahiers Du Mideo) Pp. (V
– XXVII)
By: Samir Abu Zaid